Rodrigo Balbontin

This Section 301 investigation rightly focuses on structural excess capacity. But its scope encompasses 16 economies rather than narrowly addressing the core cause of global trade upheaval—China’s mercantilism—thereby risking dilution of the blame for the country responsible for causing the need to recalibrate the global system.

China should come into full and immediate compliance with its WTO commitments; otherwise, as a last resort, the U.S. government should revoke China’s PNTR status. But policymakers should mitigate second-order effects, particularly on national power industries.

Countries in the Global South are key markets for Chinese and U.S.-allied national power industries, which require scale economies to flourish. U.S. policymakers should stop viewing them as a “backyard” and recognize that they are a key battlefield in an industrial war.

Boosting U.S. competitiveness in national power industries is necessary, but not sufficient to avoid losing to China. America also must take measures to slow the PRC’s progress toward global dominance. This report provides more than 100 actionable recommendations for the administration and Congress. Western allies should take many of the same steps.

MC14 exposed the WTO’s deepening dysfunction on digital trade and reform, underscoring why the United States needs a more strategic approach to global trade.

CFIUS’ procedures need to be strengthened to ensure that Chinese entities, particularly those influenced or backed by Chinese government influence or funding, cannot acquire U.S. companies or technology that could harm America’s economic or national security.

The Information Technology and Innovation Foundation’s Centre for Canadian Innovation and Competitiveness (CCIC) appreciates the opportunity to contribute to Global Affairs Canada’s consultation on a potential Canada-Mercosur Free Trade Agreement.

U.S. semiconductor export controls swing unpredictably between administrations, undermining innovation and security. The solution is a clear, bipartisan strategy that narrowly restricts the most sensitive technologies while allowing U.S. chipmakers to compete globally.

Despite evidence to the contrary, a persistent narrative during the past two administrations has been that corporate power is getting increasingly concentrated, ergo antitrust breakups are warranted. But the latest Census Bureau data once again puts the lie to that argument.

China has failed to meet its commitments under the U.S.-China POA. It is not a reliable trade partner, as potential commitments to reverse its predatory practices are antithetical to its long-term techno-economic project.

The joint U.S.–South Korea fact sheet makes clear that Seoul must move away from DMA-style platform regulations and uphold its pledge to ensure fair, non-discriminatory treatment of U.S. digital firms.

The USMCA strengthens America’s position to compete with China. First, by enabling U.S. manufacturers to source inputs from Canada and Mexico at lower cost. Second, by weakening China’s manufacturing capacity as it incentivizes firms to reshore production to North America and substitute Chinese imports with inputs or final products made within the region.

Rodrigo Balbontin speaks about digital trade and digital services.

The event featured remarks from policymakers, legal experts, and industry leaders who assessed the scope of the threat and the legal and technical frameworks that can help address foreign online piracy.

Rodrigo Balbontin outlines the decline of U.S. manufacturing, the strategic response to China's rise, and implications of the U.S.'s current trade policy, particularly under a possible second Trump administration at an event hosted by the Philippine Institute for Development Studies (PIDS) and the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP), titled Seizing the Shift: Navigating Trump’s Reciprocal Tariffs.