Publications

Congress has recognized that NEPA has spilled out of any reasonable boundaries and is trying to rein it in. Therefore, good policy sense and compliance with the will of Congress require the Commission to narrow the scope of its NEPA review, not defend its current expansive reach.

A new fixed effects model finds that larger firms pay between 11 and 20 percent higher wages than small firms.

EU policymakers frame their legislative and regulatory actions against U.S. tech companies as measures to promote competition and protect consumers. But they operate as protectionist trade barriers and revenue-generating mechanisms.

In this episode of the Trade War Podcast, host Stan McCoy is joined by notable guests Yeo Han-koo, former trade minister of South Korea, and Wendy Cutler, former United States trade negotiator and vice president of the Asia Society Policy Institute.

The prevailing left and right populisms—neo-Brandeisian and national conservatism—do not present desirable models for grounding the next generation of U.S. antitrust law and share important key flaws.

Nations with businesses that spend more on R&D experience fewer firm closures. As such, policymakers should incentivize domestic businesses to invest more in R&D if they want to see industries succeed and grow, boosting the overall economy.

President Trump’s proposal to move USPS under the Department of Commerce would politicize an independent institution, risking service disruptions and unfair pricing. Instead, USPS needs innovation-focused reforms that boost efficiency, strengthen public-private collaboration, and maintain its universal service mission without political interference.

An ITIF model shows how foreign retaliation to tariffs announced by the Trump administration would reduce U.S. exports of the advance manufactured goods covered under the WTO’s Information Technology Agreement.

If states or NTIA plan to spend tens of thousands of dollars per home on deployment and thereby deny affordability support to millions, they should be prepared to explain why they’re spending most or all their money on 3 percent of the problem.

With the right infrastructure and vision, the United States can become a global leader in AI-enabled diplomacy. The State Department should seize this moment—not just to experiment with AI and increase organizational efficiency, but to embed AI at the core of how it conducts diplomacy in the 21st century.