Regions

The idea that nations can invoke “AI sovereignty” to draw on U.S. technology when convenient, while walling off their markets, is not a bargain U.S. policymakers should entertain.

Rather than following the UK’s lead on children’s online safety, U.S. policymakers should learn from their mistakes and chart a better path that skillfully preserves user privacy, limits collateral damage, and removes the incentives for online services to over-remove lawful content.

ITIF does not agree with the Competition and Markets Authority's provisional findings that Apple's mobile platform has Strategic Market Status and that there are high barriers to entry and expansion.

President Trump has rightly emphasized that AI should be allowed to learn like humans do, and unless the UK adopts a commonsense approach to AI training and copyright, it risks falling behind China in the global AI race.

The CMA should not regulate a nascent and rapidly evolving field like AI chatbots as an access point to search, where competition limits the potential for market power.

Canada should approach exploratory talks regarding a Canada–EU digital trade agreement with caution. Greater alignment with the EU may appear to provide a hedge against U.S. influence, but in practice it risks importing a framework that impedes the potential for Canada’s digital economy and industries while raising compliance costs.

The Bureau should not treat algorithmic pricing as a risk category in itself. The relevant concern is not whether pricing is algorithmic, dynamic, or AI-enabled, but whether it is used to harm competition or consumers. Addressing that will require focusing on market context and firm conduct rather than the type of tool used.

Canada has zero entries among the world’s top 50 science and tech clusters. Waterloo is the best candidate for elevation. To make that happen, the federal and Ontario governments should create an incentive: Tech start-ups based in Waterloo, as well as firms outside Canada that relocate meaningful R&D and innovation production to the region, will pay no tax for a decade.

Canada needs a new federal institution that makes its innovation system more than the sum of its parts: a Canadian Innovation and Industrial Transformation Agency. This institution wouldn’t replace programs. It would govern them coherently, strategically, and at speed.

It’s more important than ever for Canada to invest in domestic production capabilities. Natural Resources Canada must update its value-added analysis to clarify the current state of the mining industry and guide sound industrial policymaking.

A new irrigation technology incorporating AI sensors reduces water use by 30 percent and methane emissions by 47 percent compared to continuous irrigation methods.

Proposed changes to Kenya’s competition regime will hinder, not help its digital economy. Rather than impose substantial changes based on the false premise that digital markets require special treatment, Kenya should use existing enforcement tools to police its growing digital markets.

ITIF’s submission focuses on the ITC’s interest in recent developments in the digital economy for key SSA markets, including national and regional regulatory and policy measures and market conditions that affect digital trade.

When attempting to evaluate the effect that a policy intervention can have on development or innovation, researchers and policymakers routinely look to short-term impacts, both out of urgency and because of the difficulty in maintaining contact with participants over several years.

Over the last decade, mobile money services have brought banking to populations that have lacked formal financial services by allowing users to manage money on their mobile phones. First launched in Kenya in 2007, 96 percent of Kenyan households now use mobile money and can withdraw funds in physical currency from 110,000 agents across the country.

Korea’s incoming KFTC leadership should oppose reviving ex ante platform regulation. Such rules are unnecessary, rest on flawed premises, and would weaken both innovation and strategic alliances.

Korea needs stronger domestic policies to shore up its advanced industries, such as restoring a robust investment tax credit and expanding its weak R&D tax credit. But without working with allies, Korea will not win versus China.

If Korea wants a won stablecoin that matters, give it work on day one: Settle spot ETF trades; connect to tokenized securities (STO); cut remittance costs; and settle cross-border B2B invoices in KRW with fewer hops. Without real uses, the token drifts into speculation.

Korea now faces a clear choice between abandoning discriminatory policies disguised as domestic regulation or risking losing access to American semiconductors and advanced technologies on which its own tech sector depends.

Counterfeit K-beauty products are eroding brand value, endangering consumers, and threatening South Korea’s cultural and trade influence, making stronger cross-border cooperation and AI-driven enforcement essential.

It should be clear to everyone that unless Western, democratic, market-based economies start working together instead of against each other, China will dominate.

In a ranking based on the total number of high-quality research articles they publish over the calendar year, Chinese universities claim 9 of the top 10 spots in the academic category.

Beijing has provided significant support to its domestic polysilicon industry in a drive to establish Chinese firms as the dominant global suppliers of solar-grade polysilicon—and it wants its firms to expand their share of semiconductor-grade polysilicon.

As of 2025, the goods trade deficit between the European Union and China has doubled since 2020, while it is 3.6 times greater in Germany. One driver of this imbalance may be Chinese currency manipulation, which has allowed Chinese firms to undercut the prices of European retailers.

For 40 years, the U.S. government sent implicit and often explicit messages to American firms: Invest in China. Indulging in emotionally satisfying corporate blame points us toward the wrong solutions.

It should be clear to everyone that unless Western, democratic, market-based economies start working together instead of against each other, China will dominate.

The focus of the guidelines is to help assess whether a merger would significantly impede effective competition or create or strengthen a dominant position. Unfortunately, this structural understanding of competition differs from a conception of competition as either a dynamic process or a consumer welfare proscription, both of which are far better suited to having a productive and growing economy.

EU regulatory regimes discriminate against leading U.S. tech firms, chill innovation and the liberties that underlie a culture of freedom, encourage copycat regulations around the world, and undermine the West’s competitiveness against China.

France has embarked on an ambitious program to build at least six new large nuclear reactors, applying lessons from recent overruns and delays. While success is far from guaranteed, there are important lessons for the United States as it seeks to jump-start its own nuclear sector through recent ambitious executive orders.

As of 2025, the goods trade deficit between the European Union and China has doubled since 2020, while it is 3.6 times greater in Germany. One driver of this imbalance may be Chinese currency manipulation, which has allowed Chinese firms to undercut the prices of European retailers.

Policymakers must justify why they should be allowed to tax the major digital companies differently from the leading firms in other industries. This challenge explains why so much of the DST debate has centered around obscure and abstract notions of a company’s “physical presence” and whether the company’s users “create value.”

When local data storage regulations are open or with pre-authorized safeguards, global exports are expected to rise by 3.6 percent and global gross domestic product (GDP) is expected to increase by 1.77 percent. When regulations are more stringent against different geopolitical blocs, global exports are expected to decline by 1.76 percent while GDP is expected to fall by 0.94 percent. Regulations that prohibit the flow of data also have a sizable impact with exports declining by 8.45 percent and GDP declining by 4.53 percent.

By prioritising the digitisation and availability of data that reflects this diversity, countries and communities stand a better chance of shaping AI in their own image, rather than submitting to someone else’s.

The Trump administration’s "Liberation Day" tariffs foolishly alienate allies instead of strategically targeting China, inadvertently weakening U.S. competitiveness and handing a win to Beijing.

Rather than adopt the European Union’s model for regulating competition, policymakers considering how to govern digital markets should carefully evaluate whether digital antitrust regulation is justified and consider whether concerns about anticompetitive behavior can be addressed with less intrusive and more cost-effective tools.

A combination of privacy-protective age verification systems utilizing digital forms of identification and AI, parental controls that are readily available and easy to use, and greater transparency from digital platforms would increase children’s safety and privacy, encourage innovation in improved safety and privacy controls, and better inform policymakers and parents on next steps to protect children.

Mexico's newly elected president, Claudia Sheinbaum, can reverse President Andrés Manuel López Obrador's anti-innovation policies toward genetically modified maize, and improve the lives of small farmers across Mexico.

The current scope of University-Industry (U-I) collaboration in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) opens opportunities for research to progress in innovative directions.

Regulation in the digital sector should only be necessary to remedy market failure that cannot be addressed by the current legal framework, which simply is not true.

As Brazil crafts its own Digital Markets Act in the mold of the EU’s, it should be aware of the potential shortcomings and unsubstantiated advantages associated with such wide-ranging economic regulation within the digital market landscape.